Showing posts with label Blogs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Blogs. Show all posts

Sunday, April 12, 2009

2009 Blog War, Omidreza Mirsayafi

Last update - 08:18 12/04/2009

Iranian blogger jailed for criticizing regime dies in prison

By The Associated Press, haaretz

The first line of his first blog from Tehran in September 2006 asks: What is freedom?

Omidreza Mirsayafi answered his own question. I don't know, he wrote, but I know someday I will see its shadow falling on my land.

Two and half years later, from behind the gray walls of Tehran's Evin Prison, he phoned his mother. They talked about his battle with depression behind bars. She asked if he was taking his heart medicine.

A few hours later, on a chilly mid-March evening, the 29-year-old Mirsayafi was dead. He was Iran's first known casualty in the skirmishes between bloggers challenging the Islamic regime and authorities striking back with the tools they know best - imprisonment and intimidation.

This showdown has been building for years in Iran, with bloggers and social network sites becoming the main outlet for everything from hard-edged political dissent to underground videos and music. The role of Iranian bloggers as liberal opinion-shapers could intensify ahead of June 12 elections that will decide whether arch-conservative President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad remains for another four years. The outcome also could set the tone for Washington's overtures for dialogue with Tehran, which has so far resisted Western pressure for greater press and Internet freedoms.

Omidreza is a symbol of many things, said Jillian York, a project coordinator at the Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University, who exchanged e-mails with Mirsayafi in the months before his death. He is a symbol of the free speech battles within Iran and a symbol that it would get worse.

Dozens of activists are now jailed in Iran, including at least two prominent bloggers. One of them, Hussein Derakhshan, helped ignite the Iranian blog boom in 2001 by posting simple instructions to create sites in Farsi.

What makes Mirsayafi stand out, however, was not his notoriety. It's just the opposite. Mirsayafi had a modest - what could even be called irrelevant - presence in the Iranian blogosphere.

Omidreza was just an ordinary blogger, said Farhad Moradian, an Iranian Jewish emigre to Israel who writes a blog from Tel Aviv. This is the big alarm.

A Facebook page in Mirsayafi's memory was formed after his death March 18. It was filled with condolences, rants and shared apprehension.

Said one entry: The next Mirsayafi could be me.

Mirsayafi began his blog - called simply Rouznegar, or Diary Writer - in 2006 as a kind of online salon to concentrate on daily Tehran life, culture and music. Diary included interviews with leading Iranian musicians and artists.

But, as is often the case in Iran, he could not avoid politics.

His first post dabbled in general rhetoric about liberty. It was tame stuff compared with the bromides of other bloggers. Over the months, however, Mirsayafi's writing developed more bite. He was shaken particularly by the muzzling of other bloggers.

A post on June 22, 2007 broke the dam. He lashed at authorities by name, including crossing a red line that few dare to even approach: condemning the memory of the late Islamic Revolution leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini.

Mirsayafi wrote: Living in a country whose leader is Khomeini is nauseating.

Living in a country whose president is Ahmadinejad is a big shame.

He went on to skewer other Iranian officials and closed with the line: Living in a country that calls itself an Islamic Republic is a disgrace.

Mirsayafi knew he entered dangerous territory. But he felt his blog was simply too obscure to draw notice among the hundreds of other Iranian Web writers from inside the country and abroad, say friends and family.

He described what happened next in a letter written earlier this year to UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon.

On April 22, 2008, four officials from Iran's Revolutionary Court came to the small house in eastern Tehran that he shared with his parents. They searched everywhere and confiscated my computer and personal items, he wrote to Ban. And I was arrested.

Mirsayafi was accused of insulting Iran's leaders and its Islamic character - charges that can bring years in prison - and was placed in solitary confinement in Evin. His family, meanwhile, reached out to Mohammed Ali Dadkhah, a lawyer who has built a bulldog reputation while defending bloggers and other political activists.

After 40 days, Mirsayafi was released. As a guarantee he wouldn't flee the country, his family offered the deed to property worth about $50,000, said his brother Amir. Mirsayafi's blog site was shut down.

Authorities had been making cyber-raids for years. Their first salvo was attempts to block specific blogs and Web sites. But hackers bypassed the controls by using proxy sites and other Web shortcuts. Then arrests started after the election of Ahmadinejad in 2005.

The media rights group Reporters Without Borders lists 68 bloggers imprisoned around the world, including two in Iran and nearly 50 in China.

The irony is that many Iranian leaders have adapted well to the wired age. Ahmadinejad's office maintains a Web site. So do the Revolutionary Guards, the military enforcers. Political groups send out text messages to supporters' mobile phones. Some Shi'ite clerics have e-mail addresses.

Mohammed Ali Abtahi, who was a pioneer political blogger as vice president under former President Mohammad Khatami, worries that the assault on Iranian blogs could leave them sanitized of any genuine discourse.

"If the authorities continue with their reprisals, bloggers will start to censor themselves and we'll see only non-political subjects," he said.

But Tehran-based bloggers such as Askan Monfared show no sign of cooling down.

He believes the Islamic regime is panicked by its inability to control the Web as it does the mainstream media.

"They cannot distinguish between what's insulting and what is legitimate critique," he said. "There is no civil society until we reach that point."

On Nov. 2, Mirsayafi was brought before the Revolutionary Court. The charges were serious: insulting the country's leaders and making anti-state propaganda. Some expert witnesses said they didn't believe Mirsayafi's blog violated the statutes, according to various reports.

The court disagreed and sentenced him to 30 months in prison. He was allowed at first to remain free while he appealed, but authorities swooped in Feb. 7.

His lawyer said there was no warning or explanation.

Mirsayafi was placed in Evin's Cell 7, Hall 5 along with his friend, Abbas Khorsandi, a political activist detained since 2007. Evin is Iran's most notorious lockup and the final stop for those who run afoul of the regime.

In 2003, Iranian-Canadian photojournalist Zahra Kazemi was arrested for taking photographs in front of Evin and died several days later in the prison. An
investigative panel concluded Kazemi died of a fractured skull and brain hemorrhage caused by a physical attack, but the findings were rejected by Iran's conservative judiciary. And an Iranian-American journalist, Roxana Saberi, was sent to Evin in February and was charged this week as a spy.

In Evin, Mirsayafi sometimes talked of suicide, said Shiva Nazar Ahari, secretary of the Committee of Human Rights Reporters in Tehran. He also worried about whether he could get more of the prescription drug Inderal, used to control erratic heart rhythms.

Nazar Ahari said she called Mirsayafi every few days.

On one of his last conversations with me, he said, 'I wish I actually did something real to insult the regime since I ended up in prison anyway,' she said.

Mirsayafi's sister, Masoumeh, said they both wrote letters to Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in early March asking for forgiveness. They never received a reply, she said.

On March 18, Mirsayafi overdosed on tranquilizers supplied by the prison and was only treated in the prison clinic rather than transferred to a hospital, according to reports attributed to an inmate physician, Dr. Hessam Firoozi. Judicial and prison authorities did not reply to repeated requests for comment by The Associated Press.

Firoozi, who is serving a 15-month sentence, called his lawyer. Quickly, word spread from blog to blog, then on to right groups and the international media.

Reporters Without Borders said Mirsayafi's death was a sad reminder of the fact that the Iranian regime is one of the harshest for journalists and bloggers. Jennifer Windsor, executive director of Freedom House, a Washington-based pro-democracy group, said it highlighted the dangerously inhospitable climate for bloggers.

Mirsayafi was buried the day after his death. Fellow bloggers joined in a memorial of their own by posting some of his writings. His first blog post was among the most widely cited.

It ended:

I asked: When will we understand the meaning of freedom?

I answered: When our wisdom can be delivered from ignorance, selfishness and foolishness.

Sunday, May 4, 2008

Cairo May 2008 - Generation Facebook Mona Eltahawy

http://daliaziada.blogspot.com

Egyptian Women Bloggers

Generation Facebook

by Mona EltahawyReleased: 1 May 2008

NEW YORK -- On any given day, the social networking site Facebook connects long lost friends and allows you to “poke” attractive strangers you wish would be your friends. But in Egypt, Facebook is the stage for the latest twist in the generation gap, playing host to politically hungry young Egyptians eager to take on their aging leader.

On May 4, Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak turns 80. To mark the big day for the man who has ruled them for 26 years, Egyptians who have known no other leader and who are increasingly going online to challenge him have urged their compatriots to go on strike, wear black, and write “No” to Mubarak on their money.

I know all of this, not through news stories, but because activists publicized the details and demands of the strike on Facebook. I don’t know most of my 724 “friends” on Facebook, but their messages and their status updates have become invaluable to me -- especially my Facebook friends from Egypt.

A group promoting the May 4 strike has almost 74,000 members, up from about 60,000 a month ago. Its demands are a minimum wage, salary raises linked to inflation, and legislation and other measures to control prices. As admirable as those goals are, I am just as in awe of the creativity that pours into Facebook.

One Egyptian posted a rap song in colloquial Arabic that sounded as if it was recorded at a coffee shop -- complete with the sound of water pipes and the click-clack of teacups hitting saucers. While the coffee shop patron’s rap lists the country’s woes, pictures of t-shirts illustrate the target of the song and the May 4 strike: A black one tells Mubarak simply “It was a black day when you arrived.”

To understand how rattled Mubarak’s regime is by the increasing popularity of what one young man called the “Political Party of the Internet,” look no further than Egypt's queen and king of Generation Facebook: Esra Abdel Fattah, 27, and Bilal Diab, 20.

Esra was detained for more than three weeks for forming a Facebook group calling Egyptians to take part in an April 6 general strike. Her group collected more than 60,000 names. She was released after her mother personally appealed to Mubarak and his wife.

What but desperation would inspire a regime with 26 years under its belt to detain a 27-year-old over a Facebook group?

That was essentially what Bilal told Egyptian Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif when the latter gave a speech at Cairo University urging Egyptian youth to go online to express themselves. The student interrupted the older man to remind Nazif that there were several young Egyptians in jail for doing exactly what the premiere was calling for. Police promptly whisked Bilal off for several hours, and turning him into a hero for the independent media. The state-owned media did their best to ignore him.

No doubt Esra and Bilal’s run-ins with Mubarak’s security forces were meant to teach their online cohorts to swear off the internet. Not likely. We are all Esra became the name of a popular group on Facebook.

Young activists like Esra and Bilal are uniquely positioned to step into the cracks that have widened in Egypt lately: An ageing dictator and his out-of-touch cabinet are rumored to be the richest men in Egypt’s modern history, at a time when spiraling food prices are grinding most Egyptians deeper into misery. Recently, at least 11 people have died while lining up for bread.

Another active Facebooker, Mohammed Abdel Hai, who posted that rap song in support of the May 4 strike, told a television show host recently that he turned to the internet out of sheer frustration. At university he wanted neither of the only two options available -- Mubarak’s National Democratic Party or the Muslim Brotherhood, the political Islamist movement that is Egypt’s largest opposition group.

Generation Facebook is the godchild of two important developments that took off over the past three years in Egypt -- an increasingly bold blogging movement and street activism.

In 2005, activists breached not just laws against public demonstrations but taboos against protesting against Mubarak himself, with street protests that focused on Egypt and its internal discontents. But that 2005 movement was criticized for being out of touch with the needs of ordinary Egyptians and for failing to rally the masses.

This year’s internet-inspired activism has flipped the script -- the needs of the masses have sparked a wave of unprecedented activism among young Egyptians.

When I asked my younger sister Nora, 21, why she joined the April 6 strike in Cairo, she said watching people crying on television because they didn’t have 35 Egyptian pounds (less than $7) to feed their families broke something in her. Two of her friends, also women in their early 20s, were detained for two days for taking part in a downtown Cairo demonstration in support of the strike.

In 2005, the Kefaya protest movement and the Muslim Brotherhood would announce demonstrations and hope ordinary Egyptians would join them. Now both those movements are joining the May 4 strike called by the Facebook activists.

The April 6 strike was sporadic and focused mostly on the Nile Delta town of Mahalla el-Kobra where at least two people were killed and more than 150 injured in two days of rioting. A Facebook group for the May 4 strike consoled Egyptians by reminding them that “God created the world in six days. We can’t change Egypt in one day.”

Egypt's Generation Facebook, unlike its octogenarian leader, has time on its side.


Mona Eltahawy is an award-winning New York-based journalist and commentator, and an international lecturer on Arab and Muslim issues.