Saturday, June 6, 2009

2009 Jerusalem Tzipi Livni on Obama, Democracy's Price of Admission.

June 5, 2009 nyrtimes.com
Op-Ed Contributor

Democracy’s Price of Admission

Jerusalem

IN his speech in Cairo yesterday, President Obama acknowledged an important principle: “Elections alone do not make true democracy.” That principle will be tested this weekend when the Lebanese people go to the polls. Many have called for the elections to be free and fair. But few have asked whether this is even possible if Hezbollah — the radical Shiite party with a huge arsenal and a deeply anti-democratic agenda — is viewed as a legitimate participant in the process.

A similar question arose before Hamas’s participation in the 2006 Palestinian Authority elections. Then, as Israeli justice minister, I tried in vain to persuade the international community that to promote democracy it was not enough to focus on the technical conduct of elections, it was necessary to insist that those who sought the benefits of the democratic process accepted its underlying principles as well.

At the time, the counterargument was that the very participation in elections would act as a moderating force on extremist groups. With more accountability, such groups would be tempted to abandon their militant approach in favor of a purely political platform.

But this analysis ignored the possibility that some radical groups sought participation in the democratic process not to forsake their violent agenda but to advance it. For them, electoral participation was merely a way to gain legitimacy — not an opportunity to change. Some of these groups were better seen as “one-time democrats” determined to use the democratic system against itself.

I believe that democracy is about values before it is about voting. These values must be nurtured within society and integrated into the electoral process itself. We cannot offer international legitimacy for radical groups and then simply hope that elections and governance will take care of the rest. In fact, the capacity to influence radical groups can diminish significantly once they are viewed as indispensable coalition partners and are able to intimidate the electorate with the authority of the state behind them.

For this reason, the international community must adopt at the global level what true democracies apply at the national one — a universal code for participation in democratic elections. This would include requiring every party running for office to renounce violence, pursue its aims by peaceful means and commit to binding laws and international agreements. This code should be adopted by international institutions, like the United Nations, as well as regional bodies. It would guide elections monitors and individual nations in deciding whether to accord parties the stamp of democratic legitimacy, and signal to voters that electing an undemocratic party would have negative international consequences for their country.

The intent here is not to stifle disagreement, exclude key actors from the political process or suggest that democracy be uniform and disregard local cultures and values. The goal is to make clear that the democratic process is not a free pass — it is about responsibilities as well as rights. (This is why, for instance, Israel banned the radical Kach movement from the electoral process.)

Mr. Obama’s call to support genuine democracy has implications for the kinds of elections the international community promotes and endorses. Radical groups can become legitimate political players in the democratic process if they accept core democratic principles and abandon the use of force as a political tool. Or they can maintain armed terrorist militias in order to threaten their neighbors and intimidate their people. The international community should not allow them to do both. Unless such groups are forced to choose between these conflicting identities, their participation in elections not only risks empowering extremists, it risks debasing the values of democracy itself.

Tzipi Livni, a former vice prime minister and minister of foreign affairs of Israel, is the leader of the Kadima party, and head of the Israeli opposition.

2009 New York, Mona, Cairo Obama - Mona's Notes.

Mona Eltahawy's Notes

Mona wise at 42 me 60
Heroes: Fearless and Inspiring
4th august 2009
By Mona Eltahawy
Published in the Jerusalem Report, Metro Canada, Qatar's Al Arab and Denmark's Politiken

As a special gift for my 42nd birthday I met two awe-inspiring women in Kuala Lumpur. We were in the Malaysian capital to attend the second gathering of WISE – Women’s Islamic Initiative in Spirituality and Equality, a program aimed at improving the status of Muslim women around the world.

I joke Kuala Lumpur is turning into the capital of Muslim feminism – in February I attended the launch there of Musawah, a global movement for justice and equality in Muslim families – but my Malaysian friends assure me KL, as it’s known, still has a way to go.

Nevertheless, for this Egyptian Muslim it is fascinating to see Islam in a non-Arab context. Arab Muslims after all are a minority of the world’s 1.3 billion Muslims. Those of us from the Middle East are used to the Jewish, Christian and Muslim points of our region’s religious triangle. In Malaysia, Islam lives with Hinduism and Buddhism, creating a different set of influences and problems.

On top of that mix, the two women’s conferences I’ve attended so far in KL draw on the diversity of Muslims, each one bringing together more than 200 women from around the world, be they from Muslim-majority countries or women from Muslim-minority communities.

My two new heroes are non-Arab. The first is Seyran Ates, 46, a lawyer and women’s rights advocate who was born in Istanbul and has lived in Germany since her family moved there when she was six years old. When she was 17, Ates ran away from her family’s home in Berlin because she wanted to be free of patriarchal traditions and sought refuge in a shelter for battered women. She has narrowly escaped death twice for defending women’s rights.

The first time, when she was just 21 and living at a women’s center, young men of Turkish descent broke in and started firing guns. Ates was shot in the throat and almost bled to death. The woman next to her was killed.

Two years ago, as she was about to enter a Berlin courtroom with a client filing for divorce, the husband assaulted the two women. That attack as well as direct threats against her infant daughter have persuaded Ates – a single mother who is open about the fact that she never married her daughter’s father – to close her legal practice.

She might have closed her legal practice but she continues to fight for women in other ways. She’s written several books condemning political Islamic organizations for their misogyny, the right wing in Europe for its hatred and the left wing for its silence over the violations of Muslim women’s rights. Her latest book in German is called “Islam Needs a Sexual Revolution.” I can’t wait for its English translation.

The second new hero I met at WISE was someone I had never heard of before. It’s been my loss. All I can tell you about her is that she is Iranian. Anything else could jeopardize her safety.

She is fearless and doesn’t need my protection but I couldn’t live with myself if by sharing information about her here I contributed in any way to creating trouble for her when she returns to her country. Iran is going through its most exciting political developments since its revolution in 1979 and my new hero lives a life that has closely mirrored the ebbs and flows of the past three decades.

She was a teenaged supporter of the revolution. As a conservative young woman who chose to cover her hair she supported the Islamic aspects of the revolution that eventually pushed aside the other political strands that had united against the Shah.

But within a decade she became disillusioned with the direction Iran had taken and embraced instead her country’s feminist movement. I too had been a more conservative teenager and I found a lot of comfort in discussing our parallel moves away from orthodox interpretations of Islam.

Just as I listened with a mix of awe and horror to Ates’ retelling of how she survived two attempts on her life, I was equally captivated and heartbroken by my Iranian hero’s recounting her imprisonment for her activism.

She described solitary confinement as “like death” and said the only thing that saved her was her spirituality. But she perseveres and practices what she calls backpack activism by working out of her home – her organization’s office was closed down – and by creating online the kind of space she and other activists don’t have in the “real world.” “Virtual space is very important for us. We don’t have public space to reach people by media,” she told us at WISE.

It is impossible to describe the impact women such as Ates and my Iranian hero had on us at WISE.

Two important initiatives were launched at WISE. The first was the WISE Muslim Women’s Shura (Consultative) Council. That group will at first have just an advisory role but among its goals is the training of muftiyyas – women muftis – who will be versed in Islamic jurisprudence and eventually issue fatwas or religious decrees. The council’s first campaign was the launch in KL of a Jihad Against Violence, targeting violent extremism and domestic violence. The second initiative was the launch of the Muslim Women’s Fund which will invest in innovative projects aiming to improve women’s rights.

With women like Ates and my Iranian hero around, we’re well on our way to being wise indeed.

Headscarves and Hymen

By Mona Eltahawy
June 16, 2009
www.huffingtonpost.com

NEW YORK -- When President Barack Obama said he wanted to address women's rights during his speech to Muslims last week, I said a prayer to the God of the Torah, the Bible and the Quran: please don't let him fall into the trap of headscarves and hymens.

The conversation about Muslim women too often revolves around what's on our heads and what's between our legs. My hopes were high that Obama -- surrounded by powerful women at home and work -- would avoid that pitfall of too many Muslims and non-Muslims alike.

Confession: I'm utterly under Obama's charm, which worries this woman from the Middle East, where we've had our share of charismatic men with disarming oratory skills. I check that charm with higher expectations of this entirely different creature of president: cosmopolitan, has lived abroad, has family all over the globe. I know Obama knows better than George W. Bush.

Which is why I was distraught that Obama had such low expectations for Muslim women. The 13 or so lines dedicated to us focused on headscarves and education, a bland and stereotypical view of Muslim women that ignored the courageous creativity of so many fighting against misogyny and male-dominated interpretations of my religion.

I met many such women -- some in headscarves, many not -- in Kuala Lumpur earlier this year at the launch of Musawah, a global movement for justice and equality in the Muslim family. Panel discussions and dinner talk among the 250 activists and scholars from 47 countries were heated, but not about headscarves or education.

We had much heavier issues on our minds -- like a woman's right to initiate divorce, how to protect women against clerics who say Islam gives a husband the right to beat his wife, fighting forced marriage. In other words, wrestling Islam back from the men who use it against us.
And the conversation will continue when I return to Kuala Lumpur in July for the second gathering of WISE -- Women's Islamic Initiative in Spirituality and Equity -- which has on its agenda the launch the first global Muslim women's consultative council (think of a group of women ready to issue fatwas or religious edicts) as a way of acknowledging Muslim women's hunger for religious authority.

As Muslim women, we're not waiting for the president of the United States to open doors for us or to fight our fights. The Bush administration and its "we'll liberate you by invading your countries" doctrine is thankfully behind us. It is up to us to fight for our rights inside our communities.

But there are several ways the president of the United States can help. He can listen to the diverse voices of Muslim women and not just the most conservative interpretation of Islam that some hear out of misguided "cultural sensitivity."

It is not culturally sensitive for example to stay silent when an eight-year-old girl is forced into marriage as was reported from Saudi Arabia last year. It is criminally unjust. It is invariably men who define "culture" and invariably women and girls who bear its brunt.

By seeing our diversity, the president of the United States can avoid the headscarf conundrum. I'm glad he avoided hymens and it was good to hear Obama make clear to his Muslim audience that the U.S. government had gone to court to protect Muslim women's right to wear headscarves. Surely it should be about choice.

So why not support choice for women everywhere, even in Muslim-majority countries? Here's where it gets complicated and confusing. In Egypt, which played host to Obama's speech, women have gone to court and lost in their fight for their right to wear headscarves as anchors on state-run television channels and as flight attendants on state-owned Egypt Air.

In Saudi Arabia, Obama's first port of call during last week's trip, girls and women have no choice but to cover up or suffer the cruelty of the morality police who in 2002 barred girls from fleeing their burning school building because they weren't wearing headscarves. Fifteen girls burned to death.

In Muslim-majority Turkey -- the first Muslim country Obama visited since taking office -- women are barred from wearing headscarves on state-run university campuses and in government buildings.

When it comes to education, surely the most basic right for girls and women everywhere, again it's complicated. In Saudi Arabia -- recognized as one of the worst violators of women's rights -- women outnumber men on university campuses and yet are treated like minors who need a male guardian's permission to do the most basic things.

Afghanistan is the primary battleground for female education. How I wish Obama had paid homage to the brave girls and women of that country who risk life and limb to learn while the Taliban's misogyny fights to imprison them at home. In May, 90 Afghan girls were hospitalized -- with five slipping briefly into comas -- after the Taliban staged the third poison gas attack in as many weeks on girls' schools.

I wish Obama had promised those girls and women that he would not sacrifice their rights if the U.S. talks to the Taliban as has been suggested as a way to curb fighting in Afghanistan.

I wish Muslim women didn't need their own part in the speech. Many wondered whether Obama would take the safe route and avoid women's rights. But that would have given a free pass to the denial and defensiveness of too many Muslims about the abuse of girls and women committed in the name of our religion.

But I urge Obama to avoid a free pass to over simplified stereotypes. He's too smart -- and charming -- for that.
My Heart versus my Head Over Obama. Mona Eltahawy (My Bumble Bee). 6th June 2009.
By Mona Eltahawy
Patheos.com
June 5, 2009

Do you remember the bit in Barack Obama's 2004 Democratic National Convention when he said "If there's an Arab American family being rounded up without benefit of an attorney or due process that threatens my civil liberties."?

Of course you do.

Well, that was the start of what I now realize is my Obama problem. He inspires the most virulent fight between my heart and my head. Not all Muslims are Arab or vice versa, of course, but like many others I was moved to tears when he said those words. But I'm a journalist. When someone moves you to tears, you start to worry.

So I was on the lookout for goose bumps of all kinds while I was watching Obama deliver his speech in Cairo on June 4.

How ironic that the middle name "Hussein" which the U.S. right wing viciously used to paint Barack Obama as a "secret Muslim" gave him what George W. Bush never had - the benefit of the doubt of Muslims, if just for the 50 minutes of his speech, which - needless to say - Bush could never have given. Not in a million years could he have so deftly maneuvered between one thorny subject after another, mispronounce just one word (hajib seems to be the politically correct way of showing you know that there's an Arabic word for headscarf) and received 30 applause breaks from a mostly Muslim audience.

But it's that middle, it's the "Hussein", that drives at that fight between my heart - so easily charmed by Obama's eloquence and intelligence - and my head - which holds Obama to a higher standard. I know he knows better.

So here's the breakdown of my heart vs. my head:

As a Muslim in the U.S., my heart and head were united in delight that Obama highlighted the role of Muslim Americans and talked of Keith Ellison, the first U.S. congressman. That hyphen between Muslim and American bridges the "us versus them" chasm that so many of the Bush administration's policies and rhetoric widened and inflamed.

Obama's acknowledgement of Palestinian suffering touched my heart, but my head wanted to hear concern for civilian casualties and suffering in Pakistan and Afghanistan. To focus just on Palestinian suffering feeds into the obsession with Palestine that dominates too many conversations among Muslims let alone between Muslims and the U.S.

Obama's revulsion at torture reassured my heart, but my head immediately asked why he didn't condemn torture in my beloved country of birth, Egypt, the host for his talk which is also a popular destination for renditions. Heart and head are furious that my country does America's dirty work.

Oh how he thrilled my heart by bringing up women's rights but why oh why, head demanded, did he have to keep mentioning headscarves every time he spoke of Muslim women? Didn't he spend a good few minutes speaking out against stereotypes? So why perpetuate one that too many, both Muslims and non-Muslims alike, share of Muslim women?

Yes education, small business loans and political involvement are all important for this Muslim woman's heart and head but I wish Obama had assured the women and girls of Afghanistan that their rights would not be sacrificed for the sake of a ceasefire or truce with the Taliban or other violent extremists.

For months now, Afghan women's rights activists have urged him to do just that and what a victory for those courageous women it would have been if he'd acknowledged them.

Democracy greatly concerns both heart and head. Many Muslims around the world are upset with the U.S. because it supports dictators in many Muslim-majority countries such as Egypt, where Obama gave his speech, and Saudi Arabia where he began his Middle East visit. What better illustration than the absence of Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak from the speech and the attendance instead of his son, Gamal, widely rumored to be his father's successor. In a republic, no less.

So, Obama pleased heart with talk of the importance of the rule of law, freedom of expression, etc. but head wanted him to be as bold in condemning the repression of his hosts as he was in broaching those hot potato subjects that trouble the U.S. relationship with Muslims.

Clearly, Obama will keep heart and head busy.

Mona Eltahawy is an award-winning syndicated columnist and an international public speaker on Arab and Muslim issues. She is based in New York.

Sunday, May 31, 2009

2009 Tel Aviv-Yaffo Real Estate

תוכנית העירייה לשינוי פני דרום תל אביב: אישרה הקמת שבעה מגדלים בין פלורנטין לנווה צדק

07:07 | 01.6.2009 מאת רז סמולסקי וגיא ליברמן

>> הוועדה המקומית לתכנון ולבנייה בתל אביב אישרה בשבוע שעבר מסמך מדיניות לבניית מתחם המסילה הסמוך לרחוב אילת שבדרום העיר. לפי חזון העירייה, אזור המוסכים והחנויות הסיטונאיות שבמקום ייהפך למתחם מגדלים.

המסמך מתייחס לשטח של 128 דונם וכולל שבעה מגדלים ו-30 בניינים לשימור. כיום מאופיין האזור בבנייה ישנה ומוזנחת ויש בו האנגרים וחנויות פרטיות קטנות. חלק מהבניינים בו מיועד לשימור. הבניינים החדשים יוסיפו כ-650 יחידות מגורים לכ-750 היחידות הקיימות כיום באזור. לאחר השלמת הבנייה, הצפויה להימשך כמה שנים, יהיו במתחם כ-1,400 יחידות וייבנו בו גם גני ילדים, בית ספר יסודי ומרכז קהילתי. עם המגדלים באזור שאליו מתייחס מסמך המדיניות נמנה מגדל נווה צדק (נחושתן), שנבנה כבר לפני חמש שנים, ובו 38 קומות. המגדלים הנוספים שאמורים לקום הם מגדל ליבר, בגובה 32 קומות, למגורים או למשרדים; מגדל ניבה, בגובה 26 קומות, המיועד למגורים; מגדל האטד, בגובה 32 קומות, למשרדים או מגורים; מתחם לפיד, שיכלול שני מגדלים ובהם 150 דירות; ומתחם אליפלט, שיכלול שני מגדלים נוספים.

למסמך שאושר אין מעמד חוקי של תוכניות מתאר, ולמעשה הוא מהווה מעין הצהרת מדיניות עירונית לגבי עתידו של המתחם. עם זאת, אישורו מקדם מאוד את תוכניות המגדלים, שנמצאות בשלבים שונים של תכנון. הוועדה המקומית נדרשה להציג את המסמך לאחר שהוועדה המחוזית דרשה לראות תוכניות מלאות לאזור ולא לדון בכל פעם בתוכנית בנייה פרטנית. עם זאת, המסמך אינו מחליף אישור פרטני של תוכניות הבנייה של כל אחד מהמגדלים.

"מצג שווא של תוכנית"

הוועדה המקומית לתכנון ולבנייה בתל אביב ערכה שלושה דיונים בעניין המתחם בעקבות מאבקם של תושבי השכונות פלורנטין ונווה צדק, שמחו על האופן שבו מפתחת העירייה את האזור. התושבים הצביעו על מחסור כבד בתשתיות תחבורה ומבני ציבור באזור וטענו כי העירייה פעלה באופן פסול, משום שבמקום ליצור תוכנית בנייה כוללת, היא נהגה לבחון כל מגדל בנפרד, בלי לשקלל את השפעת כלל הפרויקטים והדירות שיוקמו במתחם על סביבתם.

למרות מחאות התושבים, במסמך המדיניות שאושר לא כלולים שינויים תחבורתיים משמעותיים, למעט ברחוב שלבים וברחוב אליפלט הממשיך אותו - שמיועדים להיות הכניסה הדרומית לעיר, במקום שדרות ירושלים הפקוקות. רחוב אילת (ודרך יפו הממשיכה אותו) ימשיך להיות העורק שיחצה את המתחם. הרחובות הרצל, אלנבי ונחלת בנימין אינם ניתנים להרחבה, ולפיכך יישארו כמות שהם.

ועד תושבי נווה צדק, הכולל כמה מאות חברים, התנגד בעבר לתוכניות להקמת מגדלי ליבר וניבה. הוועד הגיב לאישור מסמך המדיניות באכזבה: "ההחלטה למעשה מאשרת מנגנון אוטומטי להעברת תוכניות, מבלי שיש כאן תוכנית אמיתית שמספקת פתרונות לשכונה ולאזור דרום העיר", נמסר מהוועד. "מדובר בתכנון אומלל, שמטרתו היחידה הינה לאשר הקמת חומת מגדלים לאורך רחוב אילת, שתהווה חיץ בין שכונת נווה צדק לפלורנטין והמשך למגדל נווה צדק.

"עד היום ניסתה העירייה לאשר כל מגדל בנפרד בשיטת הסלאמי - ועכשיו היא נותנת מעין מצג שווא של תוכנית כוללת, שאין בה תוכן, כי אין פתרונות תחבורתיים לאלפי הדיירים שיתגוררו במגדלים, אין מוסדות חינוך שהאזור זקוק להם, וגם אין תוספת של שטחים ירוקים מול הציפוף. הסיבה היחידה לעמדת העירייה היא לחץ של יזמים".

עם זאת, בוועד מוצאים קרן אור בהחלטת העירייה: "עד היום העירייה ניסתה לאשר כל תוכנית בצורה פרטנית, לרוב הרחק מעין הציבור", אמרו בוועד. לפחות עכשיו יש משהו כולל, שניתן להילחם בו בצורה מאוחדת".

Friday, May 15, 2009

2009 Movies Amos Gitai

Alila of "Borders" Trilogy
February 27, 2004 MOVIE REVIEW | 'ALILA'
No Peace in a City Teeming With Life By STEPHEN HOLDEN nytimes ( a good review) ( S.C. In the Lowest places of Tel Aviv)

The Israeli filmmaker Amos Gitai is an acerbic social critic who likes to point fingers and pick at warts, and "Alila," his acidly comic study of life in a flimsy Tel Aviv apartment complex, is a sour urban mosaic whose seedy characters, try as they might, can't get out of one another's faces. Their residence, jerry-built in a dreary working-class section of Tel Aviv, is anything but a sleek, well-appointed urban retreat basking in the sunlight; a grubby housing development baking in the heat is more like it.

The building's walls are so thin that everyone's private business is made public. In one grotesquely funny scene, Hezi (Amos Lavie), a secretive older man, carries on a flaming affair with Gabi (Yaël Abecassis), a masochistic young woman besotted with his macho self-assurance. Everyone knows about the relationship because even a hand clamped over a mouth can't silence the couple's raucous lovemaking. The affair has no future. The moment Gabi begins to clutch at her brutal lover, he begins to withdraw.

The movie, loosely adapted from Yehoshua Knaz's novel "Returning Lost Loves," tries to juggle too many characters at once (its title means "story plot" in Hebrew), and in several cases their connections aren't adequately explained. A builder, Ezra (Uri Klauzner), whose illegally employed Chinese assistants toil noisily and at all hours on an unlicensed expansion of the apartment into the courtyard, has a sullen cream puff of a son, Eyal (Amit Mestechkin), who deserts the army and hides out in the city's red-light district.

A stern ex-army officer, Ezra and his divorced wife, Mali (Hanna Laslo), clash bitterly about Eyal's cowardice. The father wants to disown him, but the mother is forgiving, and the surprise upshot of the boy's desertion is one of the story's unconvincing plot turns.

Disgustedly observing the chaos is Schwartz (Yosef Carmon), a doddering Holocaust survivor on the brink of senility, whose peace is shattered by the apartment's expansion. When that expansion hits a snag, he is deliriously happy, his faculties miraculously restored.

There really isn't a likable character in the movie, which opens today in Manhattan. The filmmaker's jaundiced view of humanity is matched by his eye for the ugly. This section of Tel Aviv is a place of dirt and mud and noise. Its physical desolation is matched by the insensitive behavior of characters hellbent on pursuing their personal agendas.

In the filmmaker's view of Tel Aviv (and perhaps of Israel in general), the social contract that gave birth to modern Israel is coming unraveled, and a desperate each-man-for-himself greed has taken over. A production note informs us that there are 300,000 illegal immigrant workers from Asia, Romania, Ghana and Nigeria in contemporary Israel. And the movie conveys the sense of Tel Aviv as the flashpoint for all this diversity.

Beneath the prevailing selfishness lurks the anxiety of living in a guerrilla war zone where news of suicide bombings and other acts of terrorism are reported matter-of-factly on the news all day, every day. If "Alila" shows a city teeming with life, it also suggests a place where no peace is to be had.

Tuesday, May 12, 2009

2009 Afganistan- Afghan girls ill in third school poisoning

Reuters: Scores of Afghan girls ill in third school poisoning From Mona
Scores of Afghan girls ill in third school poisoning
Tue May 12, 2009 7:38am EDT facebooked by Mona

By Hamid Shalizi

AFTA BACHI, Afghanistan (Reuters) - Five young girls slipped briefly into comas and nearly 100 were taken to hospital after a gas attack on their school on Tuesday, the third in a series of such incidents north of Kabul, Afghan officials said.

The early morning mass-poisoning at Qazaaq school was likely the work of Taliban sympathizers hostile to girls' education, the head of security for Kapisa province told Reuters.

"We don't think that the Taliban have done this, but the people who collaborate with and support the Taliban have done this," said Afghan Colonel Sha Agha, who is in charge of security for the second district of Kapisa, where the school is located.

"We have taken security measures to prevent such incidents happening again, and by doing more patrols, I am checking on schools during the night," he added.

The symptoms were the same as those shown by victims of suspected attacks on two girls' schools in nearby Charikar town. One poisoning took place on Monday and another on April 26. Scores of pupils were taken ill in each case.

In the latest attack more than 130 people were affected, with 98 students and 6 teachers admitted to hospital, said doctor and provincial public health head Wahid Rahim. He said five had slipped into comas but all had been revived.

Patients were vomiting, dizzy and some lost consciousness.

"There was a very bad smell in my classroom this morning and the teacher immediately told us to evacuate, but we couldn't walk to get out of the school, we were very weak, sick and dizzy. When I opened my eyes we were in hospital," said 12 year-old Leda.

"I am so sad, what went wrong with our school? I want to study," the sixth-grader said from her hospital bed in a ward of around 20 pale girls, most with drips in their arms.

"We knew about the incident in Charikar, but we didn't think such incidents would happen in our school. Right now we are very scared to continue with our education, to learn," said Aara Gul, 15, waiting for medication.

EDUCATION UNDER ATTACK

Unusually, the three incidents took place in a part of the country that was never under the firm control of the hardline Taliban and kept its girls' schools open while the austere Islamists ruled most of the country.

"Whoever has done this is against peace and security and improvement for women in the country. Surely it will have a negative impact on education, but we will never close the doors of schools for girls," said health chief Rahim.

There have been no clues as to what the gas was in either case or where it came from. Blood samples from the Charikar attacks have been sent to the nearby U.S. Bagram airbase but results have not yet come back.

Attacks on girls schools have increased in the past year, particularly in the Taliban's eastern and southern heartlands, as an insurgency has gathered strength. When the Taliban were in power in Kabul they banned women from work and schools.

Last year a group of schoolgirls in Kandahar had acid thrown in their faces by men who objected to them attending school.

(Reporting by Sayed Salahuddin and Hamid Shalizi; Writing by Emma Graham-Harrison; Editing by Alex Richardson)

Tuesday, May 5, 2009

2003 Tel Aviv Chris Ben Yehuda

Chris was my room mate 2003 he said he was from USA but he was from Toronto Canada, He got sent back to Canada when Foreign Workers were thrown out 2004, He got onto drugs here in Tel-Aviv and I heard from a friend who visited him that he was still on Drugs.
On the Other hand IBM Canada Phoned me Yesterday, Again Lets' Hope for good.
And: I hope my step of going over to Kadima and Tzipi Livni formally is good They are with Obama at Aipac.
Too many Jews and Israelis in Toronto (You know them from NY),
Regards to Irshad.
2009 Mona is going to Toronto Canada.

Tuesday, April 28, 2009

2009 Jaffa Zehava Ben , Independence Day

28th April 2009 at "last minute" found out Zehava Ben star's in Yaffo Gimmel Gan Davidoff.
Mixed Audience Moslem, Christian Ethiopian and all sorts of jews.
I was alone.
Zehava sang Tipat Mazal, Hayim Sheli, Inta Oumri, Ani Shata, Melech Amiti.
She enjoyed the audience but security did not let us to get close.